Articles

<b>Background</b><b>: </b>Epigenetic aging, measured through various DNA methylation-based clocks, may have implications for predicting disease risk. However, the sensitivity of different epigenetic clocks that have emerged as biomarkers for biological aging and in predicting physical and mental health outcomes remains uncertain. This study examines the age and sex-adjusted associations between multiple epigenetic age acceleration measures and three key health indicators, including self-rated health, depressive symptoms, and body mass index (BMI), in a nationally representative sample of U.S. middle-aged and older adults. <b>Methods</b><b>: </b>We analyzed data from 4,018 adults in the 2016 wave of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), which included several epigenetic age acceleration measures: HORVATH, HANNUM, LEVINE, HORVATHSKIN, LIN, WEIDNER, VIDALBRALO, YANG, ZHANG, BOCKLANDT, GARAGNANI, and GRIMAGE. Linear regression models were used to assess the associations between epigenetic age acceleration and self-rated health (poor health), depressive symptoms, and BMI, adjusting for age and sex. <b>Results</b><b>: </b>We found significant positive associations between epigenetic age acceleration and worse self-rated health, higher depressive symptoms, and increased BMI. However, these associations varied across different epigenetic clocks, with some measures potentially having more consistent utility for specific health outcomes than others. <b>Conclusion</b><b>: </b>Epigenetic age acceleration is linked to poorer self-rated health, greater depressive symptoms, and higher BMI, but choosing which epigenetic clock(s) to use is also important. These findings underscore the need to consider multiple epigenetic aging markers when assessing health risks and highlight the potential for particular clocks to serve as more sensitive indicators of physical and mental health outcomes.

<b>Introduction</b><b>:</b><b> </b>College education is typically associated with the ability to work in less physically demanding occupations, allowing for a later retirement age. However, research indicates that highly educated Black individuals often work in more demanding occupations, which affects their retirement age.<b> </b><b>Aim</b><b>: </b>Building on the Minorities’ Diminished Returns (MDRs) literature, we tested whether the benefit of college education on delaying the time of retirement is weaker for Black compared to White middle-aged and older adults.<b> </b><b>Methods</b><b>: </b>We utilized data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), which includes a 30-year longitudinal follow-up of a nationally representative sample of middle-aged and older adults in the United States. Education levels at baseline were categorized as less than college graduate (some high school, GED, high school diploma, or some college) and college graduate. The outcome was the time to retirement, measured from wave 2 to wave 15 (baseline to 30 years later). We graphed survival curves and used independent samples t-tests to assess associations between college graduation and time of retirement, overall and by race. <b>Results</b><b>:</b><b> </b>Our analysis included 6,803 White and Black participants who were employed at baseline and followed for up to 30 years. Overall, there was a positive association between college graduation and retirement timing, with individuals with higher education retiring later. However, we found significant racial differences in the retirement age of college graduates, indicating notable racial disparities in the effects of college graduation on retirement timing, disadvantaging Black college-educated individuals. Specifically, among Whites, but not Blacks, college education was associated with later retirement.<b> </b><b>Conclusion</b><b>:</b><b> </b>Consistent with Minorities’ Diminished Returns theory, the positive effect of college education on retirement timing are weaker for Black than for White middle-aged and older Americans. To address racial disparities, it is insufficient to focus solely on economic disparities. While closing the educational gap is important, we must also work to equalize labor market experiences for Black and White individuals with similar educational credentials. Structural factors contributing to the diminished returns of college education for Black populations must be addressed to effectively close racial disparities.